The #1 enemy of blacks are OTHER blacks according to FBI statistics. Blacks are almost infinitely more likely to be harmed by other blacks than non-blacks let alone police.Cave Bear said:I'm interested in hearing some examples for what kinds of facts could exist that would support itiwantwinners said:This is an invalid argument, as it presupposes if one group has a higher rate of something than it MUST be discrimination. Is racist cops the reason why blacks commit 50% of homicides while being 13% of the population, or that 93% of black victims of crime were perpetrated by other blacks? Is racism why blacks aren't graduating HS at rates close to their peers, or why subcultures within the community promote and glorify all the values the left proselytize about and it's acquiesced by our society in light of their skin color?Quote:
That's fine. I think that "value system" has a better chance to develop if the members of that community are not thrown in jail at higher rates than the rest of the population or prevented from acquiring better jobs because of outside perceptions of said community. I think that those outside perceptions have a better chance of changing if people like you (and that hack Dinseh D'Souza) are not peddling ideas about how "black culture" is inherently flawed and that their problems have nothing to do with racism (current or historical).
Black culture isn't inherently flawed, that's racism, just like it would be to say a certain race is inherently inferior. The fact is that negative subcultures antithetical to flourishing in society developed post-civil rights movement that should render it at the margins of their community, but it doesn't, and it doesn't help that people exalt racism as enemy #1 and the primary obstacle towards achieving success when there are no facts that support it. Regardless of how and what spawned these cultural developments, the primary goal is to change it going forward. Eliminating racism does nothing in this regard if that were possible.
The calls to racism movement are based on lies, the grievance industry is a business, it is a political, social and economic agenda, and it needs to persuade large swaths of people into believing they're victims and are destined for failure until OTHER people change their thoughts.Quote:
The FBI released its official crime tally for 2016 on Monday, and the data flies in the face of the rhetoric that professional athletes rehearsed in revived Black Lives Matter protests over the weekend.
Nearly 900 additional blacks were killed in 2016 compared with 2015, bringing the black homicide victim total to 7,881. Those 7,881 "black bodies," in the parlance of Ta-Nehisi Coates, are 1,305 more than the number of white victims (which in this case includes most Hispanics) for the same period, though blacks are only 13 percent of the nation's population.
The increase in black homicides last year comes on top of a previous 900-victim increase between 2014 and 2015.
Who is killing these black victims? Not whites, and not the police, but other blacks.
In 2016, the police fatally shot 233 blacks, the vast majority armed and dangerous, according to the Washington Post. The paper categorized only 16 black male victims of police shootings as "unarmed." That classification masks assaults against officers and violent resistance to arrest.
Contrary to the Black Lives Matter narrative, the police have much more to fear from black males than black males have to fear from the police. In 2015, a police officer was 18.5 times more likely to be killed by a black male than an unarmed black male was to be killed by a police officer.
More lies about racism:Quote:
The facts are these: Last year, the police shot 990 people, the vast majority armed or violently resisting arrest, according to the Washington Post's database of fatal police shootings. Whites made up 49.9 percent of those victims, blacks 26 percent. That proportion of black victims is lower than what the black violent crime rate would predict.
Blacks constituted 62 percent of all robbery defendants in America's 75 largest counties in 2009, 57 percent of all murder defendants and 45 percent of all assault defendants, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, even though blacks comprise only 15 percent of the population in those counties.
In New York City, where blacks make up 23 percent of the city's population, blacks commit three-quarters of all shootings and 70 percent of all robberies, according to victims and witnesses in their reports to the NYPD. Whites, by contrast, commit less than 2 percent of all shootings and 4 percent of all robberies, though they are nearly 34 percent of the city's population.
In Chicago, 80 percent of all known murder suspects in 2015 were black, as were 80 percent of all known nonfatal shooting suspects, though they're a little less than a third of the population. Whites made up 0.9 percent of known murder suspects in Chicago in 2015 and 1.4 percent of known nonfatal shooting suspects, though they are about a third of the city's residents.
Gang shootings occur almost exclusively in minority areas. Police use of force is most likely in confrontations with violent and resisting criminals, and those confrontations happen disproportionately in minority communities.
But the Black Lives Matter narrative has nevertheless had an enormous effect on policing and public safety, despite its mendacity. Gun-related murders of officers are up 52 percent this year through Aug. 30 compared to last year. The cop assassinations are only a more extreme version of the Black Lives Matter-inspired hatred that officers working in urban areas encounter on a daily basis.
The result? Violent crime is rising in cities with large black populations. Homicides in 2015 rose anywhere from 54 percent in Washington, DC, to 90 percent in Cleveland. In the nation's 56 largest cities, homicides rose 17 percent in 2015, a nearly unprecedented one-year spike. In the first half of 2016, homicides in 51 large cities were up another 15 percent compared to the same period last year.
The carnage has continued this year. In Chicago alone, at least 15 children under the age of 12 have been shot in the first seven months of 2016, including a 3-year-old boy who is now paralyzed for life following a Father's Day drive-by shooting. While the world knows Michael Brown, whose fatal police shooting in Ferguson, Mo., spurred Black Lives Matter, few people outside these children's immediate communities know their names. Black Lives Matter activists have organized no protests to stigmatize their assailants.
For the past two decades, the country has been talking about phantom police racism in order to avoid talking about a more uncomfortable truth: black crime. But in the era of data-driven law enforcement, policing is simply a function of crime. The best way to lower police-civilian contacts in inner-city neighborhoods would be for children to be raised by their mother and their father in order to radically lower the crime rate there.
The findings of the left-leaning Brookings institute demonstrate it is not racism in a free, civil society that leads to poverty, it is a failure to do three things: graduate HS, get a job and keep it, not having children out of wedlock (single parenthood).Quote:
In reality, a randomly selected black man is overwhelmingly unlikely to be a victim of police violence and though white men experience such violence even less often, the disparity is consistent with the racial gap in violent crime, suggesting that the role of racial bias is small.
The media's acceptance of the false narrative poisons the relations between law enforcement and black communities throughout the country and results in violent protests that destroy property and sometimes even claim lives. Perhaps even more importantly, the narrative distracts from far more serious problems that black Americans face.
Let's start with the question of fatal violence. Last year, according to the Washington Post's tally, just 16 unarmed black men, out of a population of more than 20 million, were killed by the police. The year before, the number was 36. These figures are likely close to the number of black men struck by lightning in a given year, considering that happens to about 300 Americans annually and black men are 7 percent of the population. And they include cases where the shooting was justified, even if the person killed was unarmed.
In order to show that, I'm going to use data from the Police-Public Contact Survey (PPCS), which, as its name suggests, provides detailed information about contacts between the police and the public. It's conducted on a regular basis by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) and is based on a nationally representative sample of more than 70,000 U.S. residents age 16 or older. Respondents are asked whether they had a contact with the police during the past 12 months; if they say they did, they answer a battery of questions about the nature of their last contact, including any use of force. Since the respondents also provide their age, race, gender, etc., we can use this survey to calculate the prevalence of police violence for various demographic groups. The numbers in this piece are from my own analysis of the data, the details and code for which I provide here, but they are consistent with a 2015 report compiled by the BJS itself to the extent the two overlap.
First, despite what the narrative claims, it's not true that black men are constantly stopped by the police for no reason. Indeed, black men are less likely than white men to have contact with the police in any given year, though this includes situations where the respondent called the cops himself: 17.5 percent versus 20.7 percent. Similarly, a black man has on average only 0.32 contacts with the police in any given year, compared with 0.35 contacts for a white man. It's true that black men are overrepresented among people who have many contacts with the police, but not by much. Only 1.5 percent of black men have more than three contacts with the police in any given year, whereas 1.2 percent of white men do.
If we look at how often the police use physical against men of different races, we find that there is indeed a racial disparity, but that this experience is rare across the board. Only 0.6 percent of black men experience physical force by the police in any given year, while approximately 0.2 percent of white men do. To be fair, these are probably slight undercounts, because the survey does not allow us to identify people who did not experience physical force during their most recent contact but did experience such force during a previous contact in the same year.....
Poverty is not unique to blacks, and the obstacles poor blacks face are the same as any other poor individual, family, and community. Poverty DOES NOT explain the rise in degenerative subcultures and crime in the black community. In the pre-civil rights movement era when racism against blacks was sanctioned by the government and pervasive in culture, blacks were incredibly poorer and less educated than they are today yet their crime rate and single parent household rate (like 15% IIRC) was incredibly low compared to today
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The "legacy of slavery" argument is not just an excuse for inexcusable behavior in the ghettos. In a larger sense, it is an evasion of responsibility for the disastrous consequences of the prevailing social vision of our times, and the political policies based on that vision, over the past half century.
Anyone who is serious about evidence need only compare black communities as they evolved in the first 100 years after slavery with black communities as they evolved in the first 50 years after the explosive growth of the welfare state, beginning in the 1960s.
You would be hard-pressed to find as many ghetto riots prior to the 1960s as we have seen just in the past year, much less in the 50 years since a wave of such riots swept across the country in 1965.
We are told that such riots are a result of black poverty and white racism. But in fact -- for those who still have some respect for facts -- black poverty was far worse, and white racism was far worse, prior to 1960. But violent crime within black ghettos was far less.
Murder rates among black males were going down repeat, down during the much-lamented 1950s, while it went up after the much celebrated 1960s, reaching levels more than double what they had been before. Most black children were raised in two-parent families prior to the 1960s. But today the great majority of black children are raised in one-parent families.
Such trends are not unique to blacks, nor even to the United States. The welfare state has led to remarkably similar trends among the white underclass in England over the same period. Just read Life at the Bottom, by Theodore Dalrymple, a British physician who worked in a hospital in a white slum neighborhood.
You cannot take any people, of any color, and exempt them from the requirements of civilization including work, behavioral standards, personal responsibility, and all the other basic things that the clever intelligentsia disdain without ruinous consequences to them and to society at large.
There are plenty more facts that fly in the face of the victimhood narrative that minorities are meek, incapable victims of history and an oppressive society, rendering them helpless and at the mercy of external circumstances, not choices. What a condescending view of such humans. That's racism.
